Criticizing MLPs Helps Them

Wednesday’s blog, Energy Transfer’s Weak Governance Costs Them drew a record number of pageviews within a few hours of being posted. It’s not just because Energy Transfer (ET) is a large, widely held MLP. Much of the writing in the sector is from cheerleaders who don’t criticize the companies they follow, because it’ll hurt their business model. Commentary is largely anodyne, and useless. Running an investment firm that doesn’t have a complex web of relationships with its portfolio companies provides a wonderfully liberating writing environment.

Sometimes readers ask why we own a stock if we’ve just been critical of its management. It’s possible to find a stock attractively cheap, and yet lament prior actions of its executives. That’s often why it’s cheap. ET is a well-run company. CEO Kelcy Warren has assembled a team that knows how to execute. If investors trusted him more, the stock would be higher. It’s worth pointing out.

Pageviews on our blog reveal that investors find criticism far more helpful than sycophantic platitudes. For those who desire an irreverent spin on the energy sector delivered with rapier-like wit, follow @Mrs_Skilling, an anonymous and astute energy insider who will simultaneously educate and amuse you. Often, posts are laugh out loud funny.

In case it gets lost in the cut and thrust of calling out bad management behavior, U.S. midstream energy infrastructure is a compelling investment opportunity. The Shale Revolution is almost entirely an American success story (see Why the Shale Revolution Could Only Happen in America). The technology behind fracking was developed in America because new business formation, access to capital and constant striving for success are more present here than anywhere. Add to those advantages an already substantial energy sector with thousands of skilled workers supported by extensive infrastructure.

Privately-owned mineral rights are an additional unique feature that allows landowners to negotiate with energy companies to extract what lies beneath on mutually beneficial terms. Mineral rights belong to the government all over the world, including in the UK, whose legal system is the basis for much of ours.

The result has been an American energy renaissance that has released new supplies of oil and gas, and made the U.S. the world’s biggest producer. Ten years ago few thought such an outcome possible.

Moreover, shale production is short cycle (see Shale Cycles Faster, Boosting Returns). Because the deployment of capital is more synchronized with production than conventional projects (think years and $BNs spent before production emerges as the traditional model), it’s less risky. Capital is recycled more rapidly, allowing production to be more responsive to price changes.

This is why it’s attracting the world’s biggest oil and gas companies. Exxon Mobil (XOM) is the most active driller in the Permian basin in Texas, where it is targeting one million barrels per day (MMB/D) of output in five years. Chevron (CVX) is close behind, with a 0.9 MMB/D goal.

Warren Buffett famously quipped that, had he been at Kitty Hawk in 1903 he could have shot down the Wright Brothers’ plane, thereby saving future airline investors from losing $BNs over the following decades. History is full of great ideas that didn’t immediately profit their inventors, often because too much capital followed the opportunity.

U.S. shale production of oil, gas and natural gas liquids will find a level at which returns on invested capital are adequate. It may already be there. It’s not always clear whose investment in upstream production will be most profitable. In the Barnett Shale, where the shale boom began, production peaked in late 2011 and only a handful of rigs remain active today.

Output will ultimately calibrate to a sustainable level of capital investment. Countless companies have provided proof of concept, although investment returns have been frustratingly disappointing. The growing presence of XOM and CVX is substantial confirmation that this is a permanent piece of the world’s energy markets.

Shale production has performed far better than investments in it. Midstream infrastructure, the pipelines, storage assets and processing facilities that sit between the wellhead and the customer, remains out of favor despite record volumes. This is also largely an issue of capital allocation, with the original income-seeking investors understandably alienated as the sector cut distributions to pay for new growth projects (see It’s the Distributions, Stupid!). But capex is falling, finally setting the stage for a surge in free cash flow (see The Coming Pipeline Cash Gusher).

Criticism of individual companies is intended to draw attention to ways they could improve their behavior, lifting stock prices to the benefit of all investors. The Shale Revolution remains a huge success story for production, highlighting much that is great about America.  The companies that own these critical pipelines linking producers to consumers will continue to benefit from these growing volumes. Those who focus on valuations rather than past performance are likely to realize commensurate returns in the midstream.

We are invested in ET

Energy Transfer’s Weak Governance Costs Them

Three years ago, Energy Transfer Equity (then ETE, now ET following its 2018 simplification) cleverly extricated itself from a ruinous attempted acquisition of Williams Companies (WMB). Having relentlessly pursued his target, ETE CEO Kelcy Warren came to regret the terms he’d offered as rating agencies criticized the overly leveraged contemplated combined entity.

Having failed to renegotiate, ETE’s lawyers ingeniously devised a special issue of securities restricted to ETE management. By diluting the subsequent value of ETE units, it had the effect of lowering the value of the proposed combination to WMB shareholders while protecting ETE insiders against any dilution (see Is Energy Transfer Fleecing Its Investors?). Convertible preferred securities were issued to approximately 31% of ETE’s unitholders (that being the portion held by management), that allowed its dividend to be reinvested in new ETE units at a low price only briefly touched. Most ETE investors would likely have invested in such attractive securities had they been more widely offered. But WMB opposed their wider distribution, as they were allowed to under the terms of the merger proposal, predictably since they recognized the dilutive effect of their issuance.

Ultimately, ETE was able to extricate itself by noting unfavorable tax treatment that would diminish the transaction’s value. The convertible preferreds, originally believed by many to exist solely as a means of destroying the deal’s value to WMB shareholders, remained following its cancellation. Thus did Kelcy Warren cement his reputation as a CEO willing to unethically extract value from his fellow owners when such opportunities present themselves.

A class action lawsuit was filed, and ETE successfully defended itself. The law was on its side, even though many investors felt cheated.

It’s interesting to look back over the three years that have passed and assess whether Kelcy’s reputation for self-dealing remains a burden on Energy Transfer (now ET following its simplification).

Operating performance remains strong. ET regularly beats expectations for quarterly earnings but its stock remains stubbornly undervalued (see Why Energy Transfer Can’t Get Respect). Earnings calls often include questions on what ET can do to get the stock higher, with Kelcy lamenting the market’s lack of appreciation for his team’s value creation.

By most measures ET is attractive. It offers a 9.6% yield, almost 2X covered by Distributable Cash Flow (DCF). Leverage is coming down and their growth projects are self-funded, meaning there’s no additional sale of equity to raise cash.

Master Limited Partnerships (MLPs) offer weaker governance protections to investors than corporations. Tallgrass Equity (TGE) recently demonstrated this when Blackstone’s (BX) offer to acquire the 56% of the company they don’t already own drew attention to a sideletter providing a higher sale price of TGE stock held by management in such an eventuality (see Blackstone and Tallgrass Further Discredit the MLP Model). TGE CEO David Dehaemers showed that the acquisition of a publicly traded partnership doesn’t require a big control premium paid to all the owners – only to management.

It struck us, and ought to assault the sensibilities of every asset manager who owns TGE, that the CEOs of publicly traded partnerships are spectacularly unconstrained by the ethical standards  followed by the people who buy their stock. We invest alongside our clients like most CEOs, but the notion of selling our own shares in a jointly held position higher than our investors is unfathomable, and illegal. Evidently not so for TGE. Whether the BX deal is accepted or modified in some way to try and assuage the appalling optics, Dehaemers has joined Kelcy Warren in ignominy.

It’s become clear that weak governance is affecting the value of some MLPs. A few management teams are trusted to deal fairly, but ET may inadvertently be a casualty of TGE’s demonstration of who holds the high cards.

ET’s stock looks like a bond at the bottom of the capital structure. It pays a high yield easily supported by cash flow, but its holders (being equity investors) have no class of investor beneath them. The upside opportunity that usually compensates equity holders is denied ET investors, because in any sale of ET they should expect the control premium will somehow accrue only to management and not to all ET equity holders. TGE has shown how it can be done.

We calculated that ET insiders transferred over 1.3BN in unethical value to themselves through the convertible preferreds in 2016. However, given ET’s relative performance since then, it looks like a Faustian bargain. They’ve dissuaded investors whose purchases might have driven ET’s yield down by the 3% or so that would equate its valuation more closely with Enterprise Products Partners (EPD), another big MLP but without ET’s history. That would reprice ET stock 50% higher. The management’s team’s 13.5% stake (now lower, since the 2018 simplification resulted in a larger company) would be worth an additional $2.2BN, So the valuation haircut on management’s holdings is more than the 2016 transfer of value. Kelcy’s dubious ethics have burdened ET’s stock for the worse, costing everyone, including the people running the company.

We are invested in ET and EPD

Review Of Russell Gold’s Superpower

Five years ago Russell Gold published The Boom: How Fracking Ignited the American Energy Revolution and Changed the World, one of several books that chronicled the Shale Revolution. Gold provided first-hand descriptions of fracking after persuading Marathon Oil to let him visit a site in North Dakota. He offers a fascinating description of the process that has transformed America’s energy production. We reviewed his book here. Gold displays his green credentials as he wrestles with the tradeoffs he perceives between abundant natural gas and the renewables growth it impedes. But on balance, he concludes that Shale has been good for America.

Russell Gold’s latest book, Superpower: One Man’s Quest to Transform American Energy seems at first to challenge the supremacy of the Shale Revolution and America’s energy renaissance. It follows Michael Skelly in his quest to harness wind power across the south eastern U.S. to provide electricity.

Gold recounts the early use of electricity, back in 1881 when J. P. Morgan’s New York townhouse was one of the first installations. The house was lit every day at 4pm, powered by a coal-burning steam generator whose noise and smoke upset the neighbors.

Highlighting the advantages of wind power may have been Gold’s intent, but after following Michael’s Skelly’s frustrating and ultimately unsuccessful attempt to transform power generation, this reader found the challenges more substantial than the opportunity.

The impediments Michael Skelly encountered were not technical. Texas produces a quarter of America’s wind powered electricity. On March 17, 2017 50% of all the electricity used in Texas came from wind. Renewables such as solar and wind suffer from intermittency (i.e. it’s not always sunny and windy). This can play havoc with grids juggling multiple sources of power. But ERCOT, the grid that covers Texas, has figured out how to maintain consistent power while allowing wind to increase its share beyond what many thought possible.

Size brings economies of scale, but with it comes concentrated power generation in wind areas with delivery over hundreds of miles of high voltage lines to those than need it. Skelly’s vision was to invest in extensive, large windmills that would sell their power across several states. But erecting huge electricity pylons to connect with users generated local opposition that often proved insurmountable.

Michael Skelly’s company, Clean Line, applied to Arkansas to operate as a public utility, since his fledgling company needed to build power lines linking Oklahoma and Tennessee. Back in 1935, Arkansas Power had been granted a monopoly by the state in return for building out the state’s grid.

It was a cleverly designed Catch 22 type regulatory structure designed by then-CEO of Arkansas Power, Harvey Couch – in order to be granted a public utility license, a company had to be a utility “owning or operating” power equipment serving customers. But you couldn’t be a utility without first having customers. The legislation had never contemplated the entry of a new company into the state’s power business. Nonetheless, the Public Service Commission denied Clean Line a license. The beneficiary was Entergy Arkansas, a descendent of Arkansas Power.

Clean Line’s frustration in Arkansas showed the fragmented nature of the U.S. electricity grid. Although it operates as three regions covering the eastern U.S., western U.S. and Texas, in reality each state approves local construction. Utilities in Oklahoma opposed Clean Line’s plans to construct transmission lines across the state, relying on a similar statute.  Whereas the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission oversees inter-state pipelines, there is no equivalent Federal agency responsible for inter-state transmission lines.

Political opposition arose in surprising places. Tennessee senator Lamar Alexander, who might have been expected to favor clean, cheap wind power for his state, instead came out publicly against the “…giant fifty-story wind turbines that they want to string along the Appalachian mountaintops…” Alexander had also opposed offshore wind turbines that threatened the view from his home in Nantucket.

Superpower sets out to show that technology exists, and that entrenched interests are the only barrier to far greater use of wind power. This glass half full interpretation sits alongside the half empty one – large scale construction of wind turbines and the high voltage power lines to connect windy, remote regions with population centers faces endless NIMBY opposition and barriers from entrenched interests. Arkansas didn’t care to allow power lines moving clean energy across its state with little in-state benefit. Wind power clearly works, as Texas has shown, and will continue to grow. Despite passionate employees, hundreds of millions of dollars and a decade of work a single HVDC line couldn’t even connect economic wind power from Oklahoma to Tennessee. The institutional barriers, large required investment in physical infrastructure and local opposition mean a national grid is unlikely to replicate the U.S. pipeline system anytime soon.

Superpower is an absorbing read, and well worthwhile to anyone interested in the development of renewal energy.

MLPs No Longer Represent Pipelines

As recently as five years ago, the terms “MLPs” and “pipelines” were interchangeable. If you wanted to invest in pipelines for their steady growth and attractive tax-deferred yields, you had little choice but to be a K-1 tolerant, MLP investor. MLP-dedicated funds were developed to provide retail exposure to the sector, but the corporate tax burden has contributed to their disappointing performance (see MLP Funds Made for Uncle Sam).

A far bigger contributor to poor performance has been years of distribution cuts to fund growth (see It’s the Distributions, Stupid). Income generating businesses became growth-seeking, as the Shale Revolution drove the industry to reinvest more of its cash in infrastructure. America’s energy renaissance broke the MLP model.

This has led to a steady diminution of the importance of MLPs to the midstream energy infrastructure sector, since many of the biggest have converted to be corporations (“c-corps”). This makes them available to a far wider pool of investors than MLPs, which still generally struggle to attract significant institutional support.

One consequence is that the Alerian MLP Index (AMZX) is becoming steadily less representative of midstream. This is why two years ago we created the American Energy Independence Index (AEITR), recognizing that MLPs are only part of the story. AEITR limits partnerships to 20%, reflecting their diminshing importance and allowing investment products linked to it to be fully RIC-compliant with no corporate tax burden. AEITR also excludes MLPs that are controlled by a General Partner (GP), because of the weak rights such MLP investors have as well as the dilutive payments (called incentive distribution rights) from the MLP to the GP.

The shift to corporate form for the industry has left AMZX including only four of the ten biggest names in the sector in its index – because most of the giants are corporations. It’s also led to it being more concentrated – 70% of the index is in only ten names (versus 60% for AEITR) and 49% is in only five (versus 37%). And the market cap of the underlying names in AMZX is $257BN, only slightly more than half the AEITR’s $490BN.

Investors are increasingly shifting to broader exposure, which is why corporations have been outperforming MLPs. This is illustrated by the AEITR (80% corporations) leading the AMZX (100% partnerships) by 7% over the past twelve months.

Partnerships provide weaker protections to investors, especially on issues of governance. It’s why Energy Transfer (ET) was able to award preferential securities to management three years ago (see Will Energy Transfer Act with Integrity, written when misplaced hope remained that they might). More recently, Tallgrass (TGE) showed that it’s not above self-dealing either, when it became apparent that Blackstone’s bid to acquire the 56% it doesn’t yet own would trigger a sale of management’s TGE units at a far higher price via a sideletter (see Blackstone and Tallgrass Further Discredit the MLP Model). Asset managers observe far higher ethical standards than some public companies.

Weak governance is why many institutions avoid partnerships. A research report from JPMorgan recently noted that, “…given the proliferation of corporate governance problems in the MLP space, many generalist investors will not entertain the notion of discussing MLPs in our investor conversations.”

In 2018 there were no MLP IPOs, compared with 20 in 2013 and 18 in 2014. This year Diamondback floated a minority interest in their midstream business as Rattler Midstream (RTLR), but that company elected to be taxed as a corporation, seeking to broaden its appeal by providing a 1099. However RTLR has a partnership governance structure, which means fewer rights for RTLR investors.

Over $50BN is invested in vehicles that track MLP indices, much of it in tax-burdened funds. JPMorgan reports $2.5BN in outflows over the past year. The shrinking pool of MLPs is making them less representative, and poor performance has led to outflows, which in turn weighs on pricing.

Changing to a more representative index would require these funds to dump MLPs, which would further depress MLP valuations. As a result, Alerian continues to talk up the MLP structure with blogs such as the sycophantic TGE: Take-Private Bid Highlights Continued Private Equity Interest in Midstream. There’s no mention of the controversial sideletter noted above.

There continue to be some good MLPs, such as Enterprise Products Partners (EPD), Magellan Midstream Partners (MMP) and Crestwood Equity Partners (CEQP). Some that are closely held see little value to incurring a corporate tax burden (see Pipeline Billionaires Cling to Partnership Model Others Shun).  ET is well run but undervalued, reflecting the perceived risk to investors of more questionable dealings by management. MLPs with a history of fair dealing receive a higher valuation than others. But poor governance remains a headwind to greater investor interest.

Surprisingly, ESG funds own several large midstream corporations including Kinder Morgan (KMI), Oneok (OKE) and Williams Companies (WMB) (see Improving disclosures is key to ESG investment in midstream, analysts say). Partnerships are not among the names held by ESG funds, because on “G” (Governance), they come up short.

Pipelines are no longer synonymous with MLPs, even though many funds behave as if they are. Fund flows and relative performance show investors are taking notice.

We are invested in CEQP, EPD, ET, KMI, MMP OKE, TGE and WMB

 

The Complex Politics of Climate Change

Greta Thunberg’s speech at the United Nations may have grabbed the climate change headlines. But for those who find policy prescriptions from someone not yet out of high school a publicity stunt, the Energy Information Administration’s (EIA) 2019 International Energy Outlook was more interesting.

The UN’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) wants the world to reduce man-made net CO2 emissions to zero by 2050, in order to limit global warming to a further 1.5 degrees C. By contrast, the EIA expects energy-related CO2 emissions to grow at 0.6% annually, a third of the 1990-2018 rate but nonetheless in the wrong direction. This is because the EIA forecasts world energy use to increase by nearly 50%, with virtually all that growth in non-OECD Asia (often referred to as Asia ex-Japan).

According to Climate Tracker, only two countries (Morocco and Gambia) are on track to meet their goals under the 2015 Paris Agreement, which turned the IPCC’s recommendations into governmental commitments.

The goal of lowering emissions is at conflict with many other UN goals, such as eliminating poverty and hunger, and ensuring access to clean water and sanitation. Non-OECD countries are generally where these goals need to be met, and their pursuit is increasing energy consumption. The rich-country OECD world wants reduced CO2 emissions while poorer non-OECD countries additionally want higher living standards.

The charts in the EIA’s outlook provide a sobering picture of the incompatibility of these objectives. Rising non-OECD living standards will by 2050 remain still 25% less than in the OECD today, and less than half the 2050 rich world level. This is in spite of growth in world energy consumption being fully taken up by non-OECD countries. Indian per capita residential energy consumption is still expected to be less than a quarter of U.S. by 2050.

Emerging Asia is the major source of this growth. India’s population is projected to surpass China’s over the next couple of decades, driving India’s faster GDP growth and also making India the fastest growing user of coal. China will remain biggest overall.

Growth in Indian electricity demand will be primarily met with renewables. It’s easier to shift your mix of power generation when consumption is growing. Yet India will still double its output from coal-fired power plants.

The reason almost none of the signatories to the Paris Agreement are on track to achieve their emission goals is that public support is broad but shallow. One survey found most U.S. households wouldn’t spend more than $10 per month to fight climate change.

Yet, dramatic reductions in emissions require substantial lifestyle changes with more expensive energy. Renewables are slowly gaining market share, but regardless of the promises of environmental extremists, all serious forecasts show fossil fuels remaining the world’s dominant source of energy. The EIA projects that we’ll be using more of all sources of energy. Consumption of petroleum and other liquid fuels will grow by 20%; natural gas by 40%. Renewables are expected to almost double their share of world energy, to around 28% by 2050, but satisfying growing global energy demand will require substantial growth in hydrocarbons.

Few Americans realize that the U.S. would need to reduce its CO2 emissions by around 15% over the next decade to meet its pledge, and that we’re generating 3.5X the amount that’s scientists believe is consistent with 1.5 degree planetary warming. If the U.S. had a plan to meet its pledge on emissions reduction, cost would quickly become an issue.

A big shift to renewables in the U.S. would raise the cost of energy. This is indisputable, because otherwise renewables would already be dominant. Climate extremists rarely discuss the costs, whereas we’ll need to make informed decisions about costs versus benefits.

Moreover, those most exposed to rising sea levels live in poor countries where emissions will continue to increase in order to raise living standards. Rich countries are far better able to manage the effects of changing climate. No U.S. politician has yet had to explain why Americans should pay more for energy in order to protect other countries from rising sea levels, even while those countries increase CO2 emissions. Trump’s planned withdrawal from the Paris Agreement next year is grounded in domestic political reality.

Paris pledges allow India, China and other non-OECD countries to continue increasing their emissions, acknowledging that increased living standards require more energy. While there is a moral argument in support of higher CO2 emissions from poorer countries, U.S. public opinion is untested on the issue of expensively curtailing domestic emissions to accommodate more output elsewhere. This will eventually be a significant political problem. Domestic environmental extremists are completely mis-directed. Growth in emissions is coming from Asia.

How will the world resolve its conflicting goals?

There are some sensible solutions: Federal standards and fast-track approval process for nuclear energy, which is clean and safe; phase-out coal with its harmful emissions in favor of cleaner natural gas; a carbon tax; Federal R&D into cleaner use of what works, which is fossil fuels.

All these steps and more will be needed to tackle the problem. Unfortunately, Democrat solutions such as the Green New Deal (see The Bovine Green Dream) and banning fracking are hopelessly impractical. Because their ideas have little prospect of implementation, Republicans aren’t pressured to offer alternative ideas.

The EIA’s report shows what world energy consumption will look like without significant changes in policies. Practical, centrist solutions that acknowledge trade-offs will be needed to develop deeper support for combating climate change. Voters will want to understand what they’re paying for. Until that happens, fringe policy prescriptions will scare people away. Greta Thunberg’s political grandstanding isn’t helping.

Another Gripping Episode of Brexit

For constitutional observers, each weekly Brexit installment leaves viewers on the edge of their seats, pondering what further twists in the drama remain. Most recently, England’s Supreme Court ruled against Conservative Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s suspension of Parliament. Intended to stifle parliamentary debate during the run-up to Britain’s next Brexit deadline of October 31, the PM had argued that the extended closure was a normal prorogation leading to the Queen’s speech opening parliament’s next session. Nobody was fooled, and Johnson has in effect been found to have provided illegal advice when he asked the Queen to suspend Parliament. Great embarrassment for PM and Monarch. Civil wars are fought for less.

Johnson’s premiership opened shakily last month. He lost four straight votes while Parliament passed a law preventing a hard Brexit. The PM had pledged to leave the EU on October 31, with or without a deal, and Parliament disagreed. He then tried to call an early election. But the opposition preferred him in office but not in power for a few more weeks, so voted that down too. The PM subsequently kicked 21 MPs out of the Conservative party, including Nick Soames, Churchill’s grandson.

As a vocal Brexit supporter, it’s entirely appropriate that Boris Johnson should be in power right now, so as to carry the burden of the policy he championed, and to explain any disruption in its execution.

The country where I grew up has suffered from a complete void of competent political leadership in recent years. David Cameron’s decision to hold the referendum on Brexit in 2016 unleashed the divisiveness that has dominated UK politics ever since. Leaving the EU is far too complex to be based on a simple Yes/No vote. It should have been fought through a general election, with the winner responsible for carrying it out. Except that none of the major political parties supported Brexit, a political gulf starkly exposed by the referendum. When politicians don’t reflect voters’ views, populism follows. It is democratic, if unsettling

If you know someone’s location you can pretty much guess how they voted. London and other large cities along with Scotland and Northern Ireland voted to remain, while suburban and rural England voted to leave. No wonder the Scots may seek independence from the UK, as they’re dragged unwillingly out of the EU. Although the vote was close (52%:48%), and didn’t provide any view on what type of EU exit was approved (though it probably wasn’t a hard Brexit), polls suggest that few voters’ positions have since moderated.

People regularly ask me how it’ll turn out. I don’t think anyone can be sure. Since Parliament has outlawed Brexit with no deal, but also failed to approve Theresa May’s exit deal when she was PM, another delay is possible. Johnson could negotiate a revised exit agreement and get it through Parliament, which will now be reconvening earlier because of the Supreme Court decision. But he’s lost his majority by ejecting Conservative MPs who previously voted against him, so he may fail in getting his deal through too.

Another Brexit delay would lead to a general election, on which Brexit would finally be the defining issue. It’s recasting normal voting patterns. The Conservatives are unambiguously the Brexit party.

Labor is led by Socialist Jeremy Corbyn, whose main accomplishment has been to offer such a dystopian vision of Britain under his premiership that Theresa May clung to power far longer than her inept negotiations should have allowed. Labor’s Brexit position is ambiguous, an odd posture when it’s the country #1 issue. They’re choosing strategic flexibility at the cost of votes.

The Lib-Dems are the Remain party. But they routinely run a distant third, which renders their popular vote vastly under-represented in Britain’s first past the post electoral system. Hence, Lib-Dem votes are often regarded as wasted, like voting for a third candidate in a U.S. presidential election.

As a result, Johnson is betting that he’ll romp home with a decisive majority over a divided Labor party and weakly supported Lib-Dems. So far his judgment has been poor on every big issue. So we’ll see how that turns out for him.

I have close friends on both sides of Brexit, and can well appreciate the emotions supporting leaving the EU even though I would have voted to Remain. I’ll be visiting the UK next week, and have little doubt it will be a topic of discussion.

In any event, I no longer vote in the UK, having emigrated over thirty years ago, thereby forfeiting my UK voting rights. Instead, I vote in the U.S. at every opportunity, including primaries and even school board elections. Brexit is an utterly absorbing spectacle for this transplanted Brit, safely ensconced in the U.S. Those who criticize America’s dysfunctional politics should watch the UK for a few days. Its democratic institutions are proving robust, in spite of the efforts of the current crop of leaders to break them.

EU history is full of late night crisis negotiations that avert catastrophe. Surely the biggest crisis of all will ultimately be resolved this way. My bet is that the UK will leave with a new deal, and as ill-advised as that move is, they’ll muddle through and things will work out. But there’s a wide range of possible outcomes, and next week I may change my mind again.

Pipelines Correlations Are More Pleasant

Clients often want to discuss the correlation between returns on midstream energy infrastructure and crude oil prices. Prior to 2014, investors learned that pipelines were like toll roads, more concerned with the volumes passing through than its value.

The 2014-16 crude oil collapse drove down the energy sector. Alerian’s index shed 58.2% over eighteen months, and the faith was lost. Conventional wisdom became that the pipeline business took a hit with lower oil. The truth was more nuanced – sector EBITDA grew throughout that period even while stock prices sagged (see REITS: Pipeline Dividends Got You Beat). Financing growth projects caused distribution cuts (see It’s the Distributions, Stupid!), alienating income-seeking investors.

Regular readers know the story, which is recounted in the links above.

Many would regard the chart below as confirming the high correlation between midstream and crude that they know to be the case. In fact, the correlation since the beginning of last year is 0.21, positive but not that meaningful. The nature of the calculation is that brief periods of sharp opposite moves have an outsized effect on the resulting number, compared with what a casual glance at a chart might imply.

The latter half of 2018 was probably one of the most frustrating periods for investors in recent years. Crude oil rallied strongly during the summer, while midstream stocks slumped. In the fall, crude fell sharply as the stocks continued falling. Statistically, the summer’s negative correlation followed by a positive one in the fall resulted no correlation for the entire period. But investors, reasonably enough, recall the period with more feeling than the statistics might suggest.

The answer is that midstream energy infrastructure tends to move with the overall energy sector – not surprising, since the E&P names are its customers. The S&P Energy ETF (XLE) moves with crude, which drives sentiment. Natural gas and associated liquids are more important than oil to pipelines but daily gyrations have little effect.

Questions on how the sector will hold up if interest rates rise are less common. Perhaps investors have tired of worrying about rising rates. Or maybe the sector volatility in recent years has pushed away many income-seeking investors.

The recent stumble in sectors that had long outperformed (see Momentum Crash Supports Pipeline Sector) coincided with a jump in bond yields. In the first two weeks of September, yields jumped 0.4%. But midstream stocks rallied, since fund flows were dominated by a shift to value and comparative yield spreads mattered little.

We think the attack on Saudi Arabia’s oil infrastructure (see Saturday`s Attack Is A Game Changer) favors U.S. exporters of oil and gas by highlighting the risk of supply disruption out of the Persian Gulf. But putting geopolitics aside, WeWork’s aborted IPO set the negative tone for momentum stocks. Perhaps the correlation that matters is the negative one between unicorns and tangible energy infrastructure.

Saturday`s Attack Is A Game Changer

Early analysis of the twin attacks on Saudi Arabia’s oil infrastructure has focused on the length and severity of supply disruption. 5.7 Million Barrels per Day (MMB/D) of lost output is the biggest supply drop in history, although its impact will depend on how long it takes to repair the damage.

This misses two more important results: (1) the physical vulnerability of Middle Eastern energy infrastructure, and (2) the increasing odds of regional conflict.

The attack laid bare Saudi Arabia’s inability to defend itself or even intercept enemy drones traveling through its airspace. This is an embarrassing failure of the Saudi military to protect the kingdom’s vital infrastructure. Buyers of crude oil will need to consider the ability of suppliers to deliver on their commitments. A substantial portion of the world’s energy comes from unstable regions, and Saturday’s attack showed that it’s possible to create significant disruption by targeting chokepoints in the supply chain (Investors Look Warily at the Persian Gulf).

It’s not just crude oil that’s at risk, although that is the current focus. Qatar is the world’s biggest exporter of Liquified Natural Gas (LNG), sending around 10 Billion Cubic Feet per Day (BCF/D) through the Straits of Hormuz,  25% of the global LNG market. The five biggest export markets are in Asia, where 75% of LNG trade takes place.

Global Chokepoints for Crude Oil

The risk of disruption to LNG and seaborne crude trade is now higher. At the margin this all makes Middle East sourced hydrocarbons more expensive and less reliable. Higher maritime insurance, additional storage in case of supply disruption and all the related risks of doing trade in a region sliding towards open conflict will require market adjustment.

By contrast, the U.S. energy sector is a clear winner. Its infrastructure is geographically dispersed and protected by the world’s military superpower as well as two oceans. The reliability of American supply suddenly seems a bit more important.  Added to that, Canada’s export pipelines  connect to the U.S. providing another reliable 3.5MMB/D of oil supply.

U.S. midstream energy infrastructure also has more global importance, since the growing role of the U.S. as an exporter makes world markets more reliant on a producer able to lift production when needed.

The Permian basin, which accounts for most of U.S production growth, is only expected to add about 0.6 MMB/D over the next year, so won’t suddenly produce an additional 1 MMB/D. Sustained higher prices will assuredly lift output over time, but even short cycle shale has its limitations.  Large multi-pad wells that are the most economic can take up to a year and a half to bring online.

Markets have not really repriced the odds of the regional conflict spreading to include Iran directly rather than its proxies. We have noted before the link between the pre-1941 embargo on Japanese oil imports and the current embargo on Iranian exports. The problem is that the U.S. is not offering the Iranian regime a clear path out. Since open conflict would be disastrous, Iran is pursuing asymmetric conflict with plausible deniability. Moreover, the shift from mining tankers in the Gulf to attacking oil infrastructure is a clear ratcheting up. Whether intentional or not, this seems likely to provoke a response. Saudi Arabia’s rulers must be considering right now the type of military response required and whether they even have the capability to deliver it alone.

Public support in the U.S. for another major conflict in the Middle East is low, and the Shale Revolution affords us more geopolitical flexibility. But if the U.S. does not take a military role, the vacuum will force other countries to consider their willingness to risk further disruption to the 20MMB/D coming out of the region.

Middle Eastern energy supplies are more vulnerable to disruption that previously priced in financial markets (i.e. Brent-WTI spread). U.S. energy infrastructure has an important role to play in providing secure energy supplies. The Middle East is headed towards more open conflict between two big adversaries.

Markets seem to have focused so far only on the short term disruption and how long Saudi Aramco will need to restore supply – currently estimated at a few weeks, although on the weekend it was said to be only days.

We think this attack requires a significant recalibration of supply security. American energy assets look very attractive.

America Offers Safer Energy

Saturday’s surprise attack on Saudi Arabia’s Abaqaiq oil facility in Buqyaq has sent crude oil prices sharply higher. There are estimates of up to 5.7 Million Barrels per Day (MMB/D) of lost output. For perspective, the last two big drops in crude oil, in 2008 and 2014-16, were caused by around 2% excess supply. The lost Saudi output, half of what that country produces, represents around 5% of world demand.

It’s unclear how long it will take to repair the damage. Estimates are at least several weeks. Saudi Arabia has assured buyers that deliveries will be augmented from crude kept in storage.

Regardless of where crude prices go, owning energy infrastructure in the U.S. looks a bit smarter (see U.S. Insulated From Possible

Landscape image of a oil well pumpjack wiith an early morning golden sunrise and American USA red White and Blue Flag background.

Supply Shock After Saudi Attack). U.S. production is decentralized, making it virtually impossible for a single attack anywhere to disrupt a significant portion of output. And while terrorism remains a relentless threat, the U.S. has shown it is able to protect its vital assets.

Although crude oil prices will initially provide a lift to the perennially downtrodden midstream energy infrastructure sector, we think investors will reassess sources of energy supply based on stability. This should provide more enduring support to a business that is wholly based in North America, far removed from the world’s unstable regions and increasingly the world’s marginal producer.

Much of the world’s energy comes from politically unstable parts of the world (see Investors Look Warily at the Persian Gulf). The Shale Revolution has provided America with more geopolitical flexibility to pursue its aims without worrying about OPEC cutting supplies (see U.S. Plays Its Foreign Policy Hand Freed From Oil). Growing domestic production gives America greater control over its economy (see Shale Security).

Midstream energy infrastructure, which supports American energy independence, is a clear beneficiary of the weekend’s news.

Momentum Crash Supports Pipeline Sector

Breaking News — Drone attack disables Saudi crude ouput

Although we don’t normally highlight the favorable geopolitics of U.S. midstream energy infrastructure, this news does emphasize that much of the world’s crude oil comes from unstable regions. See WSJ story U.S. Insulated From Possible Supply Shock After Saudi Attack

Momentum Crash Supports Pipeline Sector

The action in equity markets last week was beneath the surface. Daily moves in the S&P500 were unremarkable, but a sharp turn in momentum stocks caused lots of churning.

The resulting shift into value was welcome news for energy investors. Momentum and Value had tracked each other reasonably well for the past year until May, when Momentum began to outperform.

Eventually midstream energy infrastructure (defined as the American Energy Independence Index, AEITR), and Value both weakened during the summer. By late August, Momentum had opened up a 14% gap against Value over the prior five months, with similar outperformance against AEITR.

As portfolio managers in the pipeline sector we often struggle to explain the moves in the stocks we own. Apart from earnings season, macroeconomic developments and fund flows dominate. This past period was especially hard to understand because 2Q19 earnings reports were generally as expected.

In September this trend has reversed (see Drop in hot stocks stirs memories of ‘quant quake’), for reasons no clearer than those that preceded it. Value is 8% ahead of Momentum since Labor Day, lifting the AEITR with it.

What’s behind this? Large pools of capital are deployed based on factor bets like Momentum and Value, relying on research that ascribes long term equity returns to them. Momentum has been outperforming Value for several years – since the peak in oil in 2014, which partly explains negative sentiment towards the energy sector since then.

During the summer, the difference in relative performance jumped sharply, leading to the recent correction. Perhaps slowing global growth has caused a reassessment of high fliers. It increasingly looks as if trade tariffs, which are simply import taxes, are spreading a chill across the world economy.

Momentum has slipped 9% against Value since August 29. This is an unusually fast correction. In 2016, Value outperformed Momentum by 10%. This lifted MLPs, with the Alerian MLP Index returning 18% that year.

If Value starts to regain favor, investors will find plenty of cheap stocks among midstream energy infrastructure.

Blackstone — Tallgrass

Two weeks ago Blackstone offered to acquire the 56% of Tallgrass Energy (TGE) it didn’t already own. The $19.50 per share price was below the $22.47 at which Blackstone had bought 44% earlier this year. But the sideletter allowing TGE management to sell at $26.25, regardless of the price received by other TGE shareholders, is unethical.

As we noted in Blackstone and Tallgrass Further Discredit the MLP Model, the deal exposed an ethical gulf between the prevailing standards at asset managers and the public companies we invest in. If we treated our investors the way TGE proposes to, our careers would be brief.

What’s surprising is the silence among other TGE investors as well as sell-side analysts. Few wish to risk upsetting either Blackstone or Tallgrass by pointing out the obvious. This failure to speak out is itself a disservice to clients.

Although there have been no further announcements since the proposal was made public, TGE’s stock has edged above the deal price. Some traders are betting that Blackstone will sweeten its offer. If that turns out to be the case, we’ll be happy to have helped.

We are invested in TGE

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